How a canceled panel on sex plays into censorship by the right: A guest post

Alice Dreger Credit: Dylan Lees Photography

In case you didn’t get the memo, the presidents of the American Anthropological Association (AAA) and the Canadian Anthropology Society (CASCA) want you to stop talking about sex already. 

Or at least they want anthropologists to stop. 

Ellie Kincaid reported last week for Retraction Watch that a panel presentation entitled “Let’s Talk About Sex, Baby: Why biological sex remains a necessary analytic category in anthropology” had been scheduled for November’s joint AAA-CASCA meeting in Toronto. The conference session had been approved by the programming committee. 

But then AAA President Ramona Pérez and CASCA president Monica Heller decided “safety and dignity” were threatened by anthropologists who think biological sex is still a category worth considering. Overriding the programming committee, the two leaders canceled the panel.

Just to be clear, gender is okay with the presidents. It’s talking about biological sex as if it matters to human experience that is a strict no-no. It’s particularly not okay if panelists are “gender critical,” i.e., scholars who think females are being harmed in the move to talking only about gender constructs and not in terms of biological sex. 

The panelists had intended to talk about sex identification in skeletons, coeducation, tech-centric pornography, and misogyny using a generally feminist perspective to think about harm to females. You might think these topics are far enough left to pass muster in academe. 

But a statement put out by the AAA and CASCA accuses the panel of committing “one of the cardinal sins of scholarship – it assumes the truth of the proposition that it sets out to prove, namely, that sex and gender are simplistically binary, and that this is a fact with meaningful implications for the discipline.”

“Cardinal sin” is an appropriate choice of language here, because Pérez and Heller are working from dogma so heavy it is worthy of the Vatican. They act as if anytime someone considers the categories of male and female as worthy of study, they must be denying the existence of trans, gender nonbinary, and intersex people. That’s just silly. That’s like saying you can’t compare tangerines and grapefruits because tangelos also exist.

It’s entirely possible – indeed, reasonable – to consider the categories of male and female in science and other forms of scholarship, and doing so does not require denying that not everyone fits those categories. (I say this as someone whose scholarship and activism centered on intersex for decades as a person who has advocated for trans rights.) Indeed, the canceled panelists alluded to the existence of people who don’t fit those categories in the abstracts. 

At the (alleged) risk of endangering safety and dignity, I’m going to say it: The great majority of humans come biologically in one of two forms, male and female. While it’s worth cautioning against simplistic thinking that assumes gendered behaviors and attributes are always biologically inborn and not culturally learned, you can also learn a lot by thinking in terms of categories of sex, especially if you look at the places where genders don’t easily map to sex.

Consider, for example, anthropological research that has focused on cultures that include third-gender categories. Anthropologists have documented how a number of traditional cultures around the world provide designated names and pathways for male children who behave in ways identified as feminine. These children are shifted into categories that allow them to live like girls and then like women. (A few cultures also have the opposite, i.e., categories for females who take on masculine cultural roles.)

One might simply think of these categories as “transgender,” but as researchers have documented, there’s definitely a sexed element to all this. Third-gender males in these cultures are recognized as being androphilic (sexually attracted to masculine males), and traditionally no sex-changing interventions have been employed. This is about gender, yes, but it’s also about sex.

Anthropologists have also traced out what two cultures – one in the Dominican Republic and one in Papua New Guinea – have done to deal with an intersex condition that is relatively common in those populations. The condition, 5-Alpha-Reductase Deficiency, results in a child born looking female but later naturally undergoing a masculinizing puberty. 

Watching what cultures do to preserve gendered (and especially heterosexist) beliefs in the face of recognized sexual minorities helps us understand how humans try to manage sex, including through gendered constructs.

I suppose Presidents Pérez and Heller might allow presentations on what look to them like trans and intersex people; their letter earnestly claims to be defending “members represented by the Trans and LGBTQI of the anthropological community as well as the community at large.” 

But policing what scholars can say and think about sex and gender is no way to help minority sex, gender, and sexual-orientation populations. That policing will always end up harming some of them. (The letter objecting to the canceling notes that one member of the committee-approved panel is lesbian.) 

Moreover, this kind of attempt at silencing feeds the right’s portrayal of academics as hopelessly partisan and the right’s belief that political censorship is fair game.

This is all terribly ironic, too, because historically anthropology was one of the disciplines that taught us sex and gender are not the same thing. Human cultures have created so many different gender-masks for sex, what we learn by allowing free inquiry is just that: that gender (and therefore sex, too) can be a many-splendored thing. 

More irony: the decision by Pérez and Heller silenced women who were making a group argument against the silencing of women. If the presidents want to fight against the core claim of gender-critical scholars – that defense of trans rights is accruing harm to women – can’t they see they’ve just proven the point?

Alice Dreger is the author of Galileo’s Middle Finger: Heretics, Activists, and One Scholar’s Search for Justice (Penguin Press, 2015), named an Editors’ Choice by the New York Times. She is currently working on a book about local news and human nature.

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Anthropology groups cancel conference panel on why biological sex is “necessary” for research

Kathleen Lowrey

Two anthropology organizations co-hosting a conference this fall have removed from the program a panel presentation entitled “Let’s Talk About Sex, Baby: Why biological sex remains a necessary analytic category in anthropology.” 

The panel had been slated for the joint annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association (AAA) and Canadian Anthropology Society (CASCA), to be held in Toronto in November. 

In a letter informing the panelists of the decision, Ramona Pérez and Monica Heller, presidents of the AAA and CASCA, respectively, wrote that the executive boards of the two groups had reviewed the submission “at the request of numerous members” and decided to remove it from the conference program. They wrote: 

This decision was based on extensive consultation and was reached in the spirit of respect for our values, the safety and dignity of our members, and the scientific integrity of the program(me). The reason the session deserved further scrutiny was that the ideas were advanced in such a way as to cause harm to members represented by the Trans and LGBTQI of the anthropological community as well as the community at large.

While there were those who disagree with this decision, we would hope they know their voice was heard and was very much a part of the conversation. It is our hope that we continue to work together so that we become stronger and more unified within each of our associations. Going forward, we will undertake a major review of the processes associated with vetting sessions at our annual meetings and will include our leadership in that discussion.

Pérez and Heller did not respond directly to our request for comment, but forwarded our message to an association spokesperson, who sent us a statement titled “No Place For Transphobia in Anthropology.” The association writes, in part:

The function of the “gender critical” scholarship advocated in this session, like the function of the “race science” of the late 19 th and early 20 th centuries, is to advance a “scientific” reason to question the humanity of already marginalized groups of people, in this case, those who exist outside a strict and narrow sex / gender binary.

The AAA/CASCA decision was a “shock,” according to an open letter written by Kathleen Lowrey, an associate professor of anthropology at the University of Alberta who organized the panel, and her co-panelists. In the letter, they said none of the panelists had heard from AAA or CASCA with any concerns about the panel until the letter notifying them of the decision to cancel the event. 

They defended the content of the panel against what they said was the “false accusation” the ideas were harmful. The letter concluded: 

Your suggestion that our panel would somehow compromise “…the scientific integrity of the programme” seems to us particularly egregious, as the decision to anathematize our panel looks very much like an anti-science response to a politicized lobbying campaign. Had our panel been allowed to go forward, we can assure you that lively contestation would have been welcomed by the panelists and may even have occurred between us, as our own political commitments are diverse. Instead, your letter expresses the alarming hope that the AAA and CASCA will become “more unified within each of our associations” to avoid future debates. Most disturbingly, following other organizations, such as the Society for American Archaeology, the AAA and CASCA have promised that “Going forward, we will undertake a major review of the processes associated with vetting sessions at our annual meetings and will include our leadership in that discussion.” Anthropologists around the world will quite rightly find chilling this declaration of war on dissent and on scholarly controversy. It is a profound betrayal of the AAA’s principle of “advancing human understanding and applying this understanding to the world’s most pressing problems”.

Lowrey’s directory page at the University of Alberta states the institution “has reacted punitively to my outspoken criticisms of trans activism and gender ideology.” In 2020, Lowrey was removed from an administrative role as associate chair of undergraduate programs for the department of anthropology, which she attributed to her views. 

Lowrey told us that several of the panelists had “spent quite a lot of money on travel arrangements, as the panel was accepted in July, and we were all stunned to receive the letter “removing” us on Monday.”

She said she was not aware of another instance when AAA or CASCA had removed a panel  from the meeting. 

Lowrey told us the implications of the cancellation were “quite unsettling”: 

The AAA is the largest professional association of anthropologists in the world, and the joint conference with CASCA (which happens every third year, I believe) is the Big Kahuna of anthropology conferences.  I organized the panel in order to bring together two kinds of anthropologists concerned with the replacement of biological sex by “gender”:  one the one hand, scholars like Elizabeth Weiss and Carole Hooven who have an interest in human evolution (for which sexual reproduction is a relevant process!) and on the other, scholars like Silvia Carrasco, Michele Sirois, and Kathleen Richardson who have an interest in feminist issues (for which sex based oppression is a relevant process!).  I have interests in both domains, and thought it would be great to bring together scholars concerned for very different reasons with sex as a category of anthropological analysis in order to see where our concerns overlap and where they diverge.

I truly do not understand why anyone who disagrees with any of this wouldn’t simply turn up to the panel and engage us in discussion. That’s what conferences are for.  I would be sincerely interested to hear AAA and CASCA representatives elaborate on why they think talking about biological sex is threatening and harmful to trans identified people or to what they term the “LGBTQI” community.

The panel description contained this summary: 

While it has become increasingly common in anthropology and public life to substitute ‘sex’ with ‘gender’, there are multiple domains of research in which biological sex remains irreplaceably relevant to anthropological analysis. Contesting the transition from sex to gender in anthropological scholarship deserves much more critical consideration than it has hitherto received in major diciplinary [sic] fora like AAA / CASCA. This diverse international panel brings together scholars from socio-cultural anthropology, archaeology, and biological anthropology who describe why in their work gender is not helpful and only sex will do. This is particularly the case when the work is concerned with equity and the deep analysis of power, and which has as an aim the achievement of genuine inclusivity. With research foci from hominin evolution to contemporary artificial intelligence, from the anthropology of education to the debates within contemporary feminism about surrogacy, panelists make the case that while not all anthropologists need to talk about sex, baby, some absolutely do.

Lowrey added: 

The rise in anthropology of multiple schools of thought that cannot withstand any scrutiny, any challenge, or even sustained contentious inquiry, is a growing disaster for the entire discipline.  I feel like I’m trying to shout that the bridge is out ahead and no one is listening.  It’s very frustrating.

Like Retraction Watch? You can make a tax-deductible contribution to support our work, follow us on Twitter, like us on Facebook, add us to your RSS reader, or subscribe to our daily digest. If you find a retraction that’s not in our database, you can let us know here. For comments or feedback, email us at team@retractionwatch.com.

Journal retracts paper claiming that group of Indigenous Americans were Black Africans

A journal has retracted a paper on the origins of a group of Indigenous Americans after readers said the basis of the paper was long discredited. The paper, “Early pioneers of the americas: the role of the Olmecs in urban education and social studies curriculum,” was written by scholars at the University of North Carolina … Continue reading Journal retracts paper claiming that group of Indigenous Americans were Black Africans

“[I]t took a long time for the scientific community to realize that he was simply making things up”

In a world increasingly haunted by fake news, email scams and trolls on the internet deliberately emotionalizing debate and making unfounded attacks, trust is perhaps more endangered than ever. That sounds like the breathless text of a movie trailer, but it’s how the editors of Ethnologia Europaea announce the retractions of seven more papers by … Continue reading “[I]t took a long time for the scientific community to realize that he was simply making things up”

A new playground for networks and exploratory data analysis


[This is a post by Guido with some help from David]

There tend to be two types of studies of inheritance and evolution. First, there is evolution of organisms, either of the phenotype (morphology, anatomy, cell ultrastructure, etc) or genotype (chromosome, nucleotides). The latter involves direct inheritance, but it is often treated as including all molecules, although it is the nucleotides (and chromosomes) that get inherited, not amino acids, for example.

Second, there are studies of the evolution of behaviour, which has focused mainly on humans, of course, but can include all species. For humans, this includes socio-cultural phenomena, particularly language (written as well as spoken), but also including cultural advancements such as social organization, tool use, agriculture, etc., which are inherited indirectly, by learning.

However, we rarely see studies that are multi-disciplinary in the sense of combining both physical and behavioural evolution. It is therefore very interesting to note the just-published preprint by:
Fernando Racimo, Martin Sikora, Hannes Schroeder, Carles Lalueza-Fox. 2019. Beyond broad strokes: sociocultural insights from the study of ancient genomes. arXiv.
These authors provide a review about the extent to which the analysis of ancient human genomes has provided new insights into socio-cultural evolution. This provides a platform for interesting future cross-disciplinary research.

The authors comment:
In this review, we summarize recent studies showcasing these types of insights, focusing on the methods used to infer sociocultural aspects of human behaviour. This work often involves working across disciplines that have, until recently, evolved in separation. We argue that multidisciplinary dialogue is crucial for a more integrated and richer reconstruction of human history, as it can yield extraordinary insights about past societies, reproductive behaviours and even lifestyle habits that would not have been possible to obtain otherwise.
Since multi-disciplinary dialogue is a focal point here at the Genealogical World of Phylogenetic Networks. Since our blog embraces non-biological data, we have done a little brainstorming, to put forward some ideas based on Racimo et al.'s comments. The four figures contain some extra discussion, with some visual representations of the ideas.

Why it's important to correlate genetic, linguistic and socio-cultural data. The doodle shows a simple free expansion model of a founder population with three genotypes (yellow, green, blue), a shared language (L) and two major cultural innovations (white stars). Because of drift and stochastic intra-population processes (size represent the size of the actively reproducing populace) the first expansion (light gray arrows) lead to 'tribes' that show already some variation. The smaller ones close to the founder population spoke still the same language, the ones further away used variants (dialects) of L (L', still close to L, L'', more distinct). Because of bootlenecks, geographic distance and differing levels of inbreeding (the smaller a population, the farther away from the source, the more likely are changes in genotype frequency), each population has a different genotype composition. The second expansion (mid-gray arrows) mixing two sources leads to a grandchild that evolved a new language M and lost the blue genotype. Because the cultural innovations are beneficial, we find them in the entire group. In extreme cases of genetic sorting and linguistic evolution, such shared cultural innovations may be the only evidence clearly linking all these populations.

Social-cultural character matrices

Correlating different sets of data and (cross-)exploring the signal in these data can be facilitated by creating suitable character matrices. In phylogenetics, we primarily use characters that underlie (ideally) neutral evolution, such as nucleotide sequences and their transcripts, amino-acid sequences. When using matrices scoring morphological traits, we relax the requirement of neutral evolution, but we are still scoring traits that are the product of biological evolution. However, we don't need to stop there, phylo-linguistics is an active field, even though languages involve different evolutionary constraints and processes than we meet in biology. Data-wise there are nonetheless many analogies, and phylogenetic methods seem to work fine.

So, why not also score socio-cultural traits in a character matrix? For instance, we can characterize cultures and populations by basic features including: the presence of agriculture, which crops were cultivated, which animals were domesticated, which technological advances were available, whether it was a stone-age, bronze-age, iron-age culture, etc. Linguistically, we could also develop matrices of local populations, with regional accents or dialects, etc.

Creating such a matrix should, of course, be informed by available objective information. As in the case of morphological matrices or non-biological matrices in general, we should not be concerned about character independence. We don't need to infer a phylogenetic tree from these matrices, as their purpose is just to sum up all available characteristics of a socio-cultural group.

Second phase: stabilization of differentiation pattern. While the close-by tribes are still in contact with the mother population, the most distant lost contact. As consequence the gene pools of the L/L'-speaking communities will become more similar, and new innovations acquired by the founder population (black star) are readily propagated within its cultural sphere. Re-migration from the larger M-speaking tribe to the struggling L''-speakers (small population with high inbreeding levels) lead to the extinction of the blue genotype in the latter and increased 'borrowing' of M-words and concepts.

Distance calculations

Pairwise distance matrices are most versatile for comparing data across different data sets.

First, any character matrix can be quickly transformed into a distance matrix, and the right distance transformation can handle any sort of data: qualitative, categorical data as well as quantitative, continuous data.

Second, the signal in any distance matrix can be quickly visualized using Neighbor-nets. This blog has a long list of posts showing Neighbor-nets based on all sorts of sociological data that don't follow any strict pattern of evolution, and are heavily biased by socio-cultural constraints (eg. bikability, breast sizes, German politics, gun legislation, happiness, professional poker, spare-time activities). We have even included celestial bodies.

Third, distance matrices can be tested for correlation as-is, without any prior inference, using simple statistics, such as the Pearson correlation coefficient. To give just one example from our own research: in Göker and Grimm (BMC Evol. Biol. 2008), the latter was used for testing the performance of character and distance transformations for cloned ITS data covering substantial intra-genomic diversity, by correlating the resulting individual-based distances with species-level morphological data matrices. (The internal transcribed spacers are multi-copy, nuclear-encoded, non-coding gene regions; in the simplest case each individual has two sets of copies, arrays, one inherited from the father, the other from the mothers, which may differ between but also within the individual.)

In the context of Racimo et al.'s paper, one could construct a genetic, a socio-cultural, a linguistic and a geographical matrix, determine the pairwise distances between what in phylogenetics are called OTUs (the operational taxonomic units), and test how well these data (or parts of it) correlate. The OTUs would be local human groups sharing the same culture (and, if known) language.

Alternatively, one can just map the scored socio-cultural traits onto trees based on genetic data or linguistics.

A new culture with its own language (Λ), genotype (red) and innovations (ruby-red pentagon) migrates close to the settling area of the L-people. Because of raids, genotypes and innovations from the the L-people get incorporated into the the Λ-culture.

How to get the same set of OTUs

The Göker & Grimm paper mentioned above tested several options for character and distance transformations, because we faced a similar problem to what researchers will face when trying to correlate socio-cultural data with genetic profiles of our ancestors: a different set of leaves (the OTUs). We were interested in phylogenetic relationships between individuals using data representing the genetic heterogeneity within these individuals.

Genetic studies of human (ancient or modern) DNA use data based from individuals, but socio-cultural and linguistic data can only be compiled at a (much) higher level: societies, or other groups of many individuals. In addition, these groups may also span a larger time frame. Since humans love to migrate, we are even more of a genetic mess than were the ITS data that we studied.

One potential alternative is to use the host-associate analysis framework of Göker & Grimm. Instead of using the individual genetic profiles (the associate data), one sums them across a socio-cultural unit (serving as host). The simplest method is to create a consensus of the data (in Göker & Grimm, we tested strict and modal consensuses). This produces sequences with a lot of ambiguity codes — genetic diversity within the population will be presented by intra-unit sequence polymorphism (IUSP). Standard distance and parsimony implementation do not deal with ambiguities, but the Maximum likelihood, as implemented in RAxML, does to some degree. A gapstop is the recoding of ambiguities as discrete states for phylogenetic analysis (tree and network inference) as done by Potts et al. (Syst. Biol. 2014 [PDF]) for 2ISPs ('twisps'), intra-individual site polymorphism. It can't hurt to try out whether this works for IUSPs, too.

Since humans (tribes, local groups) often differ in the frequency of certain genotypes, it would be straightforward to use these frequencies directly when putting up a host matrix. Instead of, for example, nucleotides or their ambiguity codes, the matrix would have the frequency of the different haplotypes. We can't infer trees from such a matrix (we need categorical data), but we can still calculate the distance matrix and infer a Neighbor-net.

The 'phylogenetic Bray-Curtis' (distance) transformation introduced in Göker & Grimm (2008) also keeps the information about within-host diversity when determining inter-host distances (see Reticulation at its best ...)


Transformations for genetic data from smaller to larger, more-inclusive units are implemented in the software package POFAD by Joli et al. (Methods in Ecology & Evolution, 2015. Their paper also provides a comparison of different methods, including the ones tested in Göker & Grimm (2008, also implemented in the tiny executables g2cef and pbc, compiled for any platform).

The process of assimilation. The Λ-people subdued the L-culture with the consequence that all innovations are shared in their influence sphere. Having a much smaller total population size, the language of the invaders is largely lost but the new common language L* still includes some Λ-elements (in a phylogenetic tree analysis, L* would be part of the L/M clade, using networks, L* would share edges with Λ in contrast to L and M). The L''/M-speaking remote population is re-integrated. The invaders' genotype (red) becomes part of the L-people's gene pool. Re-migration (forced or not) introduces L-genotypes into the original Λ-population. Only by comparing all available data, ideally covering more than one time period, we can deduce that the M-speakers represent an early isolated subpopulation of the L-people that was not affected by the Λ-invasion. With only the genetic data at hand, one may identify the M-speakers as one source and the Λ-tribe as another source for the L*-people, and infer that all L/M and Λ-tribes share a common origin (since the yellow genotype is found in both the M- and the original Λ-population).

Conclusion

It therefore seems to us that there is enormous potential for multi-disciplinary work, that truly combine organismal and socio-cultural evolution. We have provided a few practical suggestions here about how this might be done. We encourage you all to have try some of these ideas, to see where it leads us all.

Footprints in the Sand: What ancient human footprints on Canada’s shoreline reveal about migration to North America

0000-0002-8715-2896 This was originally published by PLOS Research News on March 28, 2018, by Beth Baker. The original post can be found here. Human footprints found off Canada’s Pacific coast may be 13,000 years old, according

False reports of US women’s breast sizes


The role of the social media in spreading fake news has recently been in the headlines; and it is becoming recognized as a major global risk, unique to the 21st century (the first known examples apparently date from 2010). For example, Chengcheng Shao et al. (The spread of fake news by social bots) note:
If you get your news from social media, you are exposed to a daily dose of false or misleading content - hoaxes, rumors, conspiracy theories, fabricated reports, click-bait headlines, and even satire. We refer to this misinformation collectively as false or fake news ... Even in an ideal world where individuals tend to recognize and avoid sharing low-quality information, information overload and finite attention limit the capacity of social media to discriminate information on the basis of quality. As a result, online misinformation is just as likely to go viral as reliable information.
However, an equally problematic issue occurs when the professional media indulge in the same practice — disseminating fake news online. A good example of this appeared during June-July 2016. It involved the presence online of this so-called research paper:
Scientific analysis reveals major differences in the breast size of women in different countries. The Journal of Female Health Sciences.

On the face of it, the paper seems very doubtful:
  • The concept itself is preposterous — although different genetic groups might have differences in breast size, on average, many countries have a mix of difference genetic groups, and thus should have a mix of breast sizes. There isn't an Olympics of breast dimensions!
  • The paper first appeared online in mid 2015, at a location not directly associated with any known journal.
  • The alleged journal's home page contains no references to any other published papers, nor to any mechanism for accessing or subscribing to it.
  • The alleged society publishing the journal has no internet presence, other than the journal homepage.
  • The alleged institutions from which the authors hail have no internet presence, other than the paper.
  • The alleged authors also have no internet presence, other than the paper.
It thus takes only a few minutes of effort to confidently identify this paper as a hoax. One therefore has to wonder why so much of the professional media did not make this effort. Instead, they enthusiastically listed the results, which proclaim the USA as having women with the largest breast size, on average, and the Philippines as having the smallest.

A Google search results in 755 hits to the paper's title, many of them internet commentaries. However, consider the following list of professional publications that took the paper seriously in mid 2016:
  • The Sun — The breast in the world: the countries where women have the biggest natural boobs in the world … and the smallest
  • The Telegraph — US women have the biggest breasts in the world — study reveals
  • The Mirror — The countries boasting the women with the biggest natural boobs revealed - where does Britain rank?
  • Daily Mail — Land of the free and home of the busty! American women revealed as having the biggest natural breasts in the world, while Brits come in fifth and Filipinos are last
  • The Irish Sun — Women in Ireland have the third biggest natural boobs in the world
  • New York Daily News — Red, white and boobs: American women boast the biggest breasts in the world
  • Seventeen — American women apparently have the biggest boobs in the world
  • Teen Vogue — U.S. women have the biggest boobs in the world, says science
  • FHM — Pinays have the smallest breasts in the world, study finds
  • Philippine Star — Study: Filipino women have the smallest breast size in the world
  • ABS-CBN — Study: PH women have smallest breasts in the world
  • South Africa Times — Where boobs grow biggest
Importantly, there were a number of commentators who did point out the hoax almost immediately the news reports started appearing:
  • Media Equalizer — Fake breast size study fools publications around the world
  • Manila Times — Fake research on women’s breast sizes is trite and boring
  • Daily Caller — Study showing America has world’s biggest boobs is a hoax but let’s rejoice anyway
  • Jose Carillo — Open letter on news stories that Filipinas have the world’s smallest breasts
Why, then, has the data subsequently been taken seriously in these places:
  • Radiation Oncology Journal 35: 121-128 (2017 ) In vivo dosimetry and acute toxicity in breast cancer patients undergoing intraoperative radiotherapy as boost.
  • Answers.com — Which country's women have biggest breasts in the world?


It is instructive to look at whether the perpetrators went to any trouble to produce their data. We can do this with a phylogenetic network, as usual on this blog. The network above is a NeighborNet based on the Euclidean distance — countries near each other in the network have similar breast sizes, and the further apart they they are then the less similarity they have. Only the 20 largest breast sizes are labeled.

You can see that the biggest breast sizes come preferentially from women with European backgrounds. You can also see just how extreme the breast sizes are claimed to be in North America. Both claims are actually doubtful.

Obviously, I do not know the origin of the paper and its data, but there is a somewhat similar presentation dating from March 2011, this time with a world map of bra sizes:
  • Target Map — Average breast cup size in the world
No source is identified for the latter data, but note that, in this case, it is the Nordic countries plus Russia that are reported to have the largest bra sizes. Indeed, the Spearman rank correlation between the the paper and map bra-size datasets is 0.71, so that only 50% of the variation in data is shared between the two datasets.

Finally, if you really do feel the need to read a scientific report about female breast morphology, then try this real one, which at least makes sense:
Evolution and Human Behavior 38: 217-226 (2017) Men's preferences for women's breast size and shape in four cultures.

“Credible threats of personal violence” against editor prompt withdrawal of colonialism paper

A journal has withdrawn an essay that called for a return to colonialism after the editor received alleged threats tied to the article. Soon after Third World Quarterly published the controversial essay, readers began to object. When the journal defended its decision, 15 editorial board members resigned in response. More than 10,000 people signed a […]

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Article defending colonialism draws rebuke, journal defends choice to publish

Facing a volley of criticism for publishing an essay that called for a return to colonialism, a journal editor has defended his decision to print the article. “The Case for Colonialism,” published Sept. 8 in Third World Quarterly (TWQ), was written by Bruce Gilley, a professor of political science at Portland State University. For an […]

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“Right to be forgotten” takes down BMJ’s 15-year-old film review

A subject in a documentary film about the psychology of religious ideation has pushed the BMJ to take down its review of the film, based on a complaint citing a European internet privacy rule. On July 3, BMJ posted a retraction notice for an article that barely said anything: This article has been retracted by […]

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