Untangling vertical and horizontal processes in the evolution of handshapes

Justin Power


[This is a guest-post by Justin Power, and the 3rd part of our miniseries on sign language manual alphabets]

In Guido’s most recent post in this miniseries on manual alphabet evolution in sign languages, he discussed the role of character mapping on networks in phylogenetic inference. He pointed out how we used this approach to infer evolutionary pathways of languages, and why this step in exploratory data analysis is important, given the complexity of the underlying signal in this data set.

In this new post, I take up the topic of hand-shape evolution in more detail, explaining some of the complexities involved in studying sign language evolution. I will specifically look at how we can identify both vertical and horizontal processes in the evolution of hand-shapes.

Introduction

We know very little about how signs and hand-shapes actually evolve. There have been a few studies — most of them from decades ago — comparing American Sign Language in videos and dictionaries from the early 20th century with then contemporary forms (Frishberg 1975; Battison et al. 1975). One study in particular argued that, as a sign language emerges in a community of signers, crystallizing into a stable linguistic system, the signs evolve in a quasi-teleological way from earlier, more gesture- or pantomime-like forms to more language-like forms, cutting similar evolutionary pathways leading to more constraints on articulation and to general systematization.

But what happens (in this story) once sign languages become linguistic systems? Do they continue evolving, as happens in spoken languages? If yes, how? Investigating these kinds of questions was one of my motivations for tracking down historical examples of manual alphabets for over a dozen sign languages. The pay-off (besides the thrill of the treasure hunt) is that, by tracing hand-shapes through historical examples and comparing them with contemporary sign languages, we can infer the vertical and horizontal evolutionary processes affecting sign languages and hand-shape forms.

Vertical and horizontal aspects of hand-shape evolution

Consider part of the Neighbor-net from our paper (see Part 1) including the Austrian-origin and Russian groups in the figure below. Russian 1835 is the earliest manual alphabet in our sample published in Russia (St. Petersburg); and Danish 1808, in the Danish subgroup, was published in Copenhagen.


While the two manual alphabets are found in different neighborhoods in the graph, they share a number of hand-shapes, some of which were (and still are) shared widely throughout Europe, for reasons that we discuss in the main paper.

One such hand-shape represents the Latin / Cyrillic letter "A" in both Danish 1808 and Russian 1835, as illustrated in the timeline here.


Note the position of the thumbs at the bottom of the figure: in both early examples, the thumb is adjacent to the bent index finger. In an example from Danish SL in 1907 (and subsequently in 1926 and 1967), the position of the thumb has shifted across the index finger. For Russian SL, too, the position of the thumb in the contemporary hand-shape representing the Cyrillic letter A has crept across the index finger to the front of the fist (the hand-shape in the figure is my attempt to reproduce the source; see here for the real thing).

There are two points to note here in connection with evolutionary processes. First, these changes in thumb position appear to have a vertical aspect: as signers in a community used these hand-shapes and transmitted them to later generations, they also modified the forms in subtle ways, perhaps unconsciously in a process with analogies to sound change in spoken language.

Second, the changes also include a horizontal aspect: the forms evolved in similar ways, as the two signing communities converged on the same shape (apparently) independently, possibly due to similar articulatory or perceptual pressures. The horizontal aspect of this process contributes to signal incompatibility in the dataset underlying the network — the more convergence there is, then the less tree-like will be the Neighbor-net (in this case, the more spiderweb-like).

Convergence

In addition to the preceding example, a typical case of convergence can be seen in the independent creation of similar hand-shapes to represent the Greek and Cyrillic letter "Г".


Beginning again with the main Neighbor-net in the figure immediately above, we see that Russian 1835 and contemporary Greek SL are found in different neighborhoods, with Greek in the French-origin group. The two languages, however, share the Г-representing hand-shape (the Russian form is from Fleri 1835, while the Greek form is, again, my own hand; see here for the real one). Because Greek SL is the only language in the French-origin group to share this hand-shape with the Russian group, there is a clear suggestion of a horizontal process that resulted in similar hand-shapes across unrelated languages. The most likely processes here are convergence due to the independent creation of iconic representations of the written letter; or lateral transfer — called borrowing in linguistics — via some historical instance of contact between signers of the two languages. [My intuition is for the former explanation.]

Borrowing

The final example deals with a clear case of borrowing. The figure below shows the time- / taxon-filtered Neighbor-net, including historical manual alphabets up to about 1840 (see Part 2), but only annotated with the relevant languages.


The two earliest manual alphabets in our dataset were published in Madrid in 1593 (de Yebra) and 1620 (Bonet). In neither case do we see any trace of a hand-shape representing the letter "W", which was not needed to represent these Latin alphabets. Later, too, manual alphabets published in Spain in 1815, 1845, and 1859 still did not include the letter "W". In contrast, in Austrian 1786 and French 1800 (as well as other languages), hand-shape forms representing the letter W are found in the earliest examples we have for those languages. Some 160–230 years later, however, we find similar forms for "W" in contemporary Austrian, French and Spanish SLs. We deduce that contemporary Spanish SL did not inherit the "W" hand-shape from the 19th century Spanish manual alphabets. Instead, the hand-shape may have been borrowed from some other language, possibly French SL given its influence on deaf education in Europe, or possibly later from the International Sign manual alphabet (also part of the French-origin Group).

Conclusion

As these examples show, there are different types of horizontal processes contributing to conflicting signal in the data set. Using the splits network graphs together with historical examples of manual alphabets, we can untangle the horizontal signal in many cases. The approach has also given us some insight into the evolutionary processes contributing to the diversity of contemporary sign languages, a topic that we plan to investigate more fully.

Cited literature, further reading and data
  • Battison, Robin, Harry Markowicz, & James Woodward (1975) A good rule of thumb: Variable phonology in American Sign Language. In Ralph W. Fasold & Roger W. Shuy (eds.), Analyzing Variation in Language: Papers from the Second Colloquium on New Ways of Analyzing Variation, Part 3, pp. 291–302. Washington D.C.: Georgetown University Press.
  • Bonet, Juan Pablo (1620). Reduction de las letras y arte para enseñar a ablar los mudos. Madrid: Francisco Abarca de Angulo.
  • Fleri, Viktor I. (1835) Глухонемые, рассматриваемые в отношении к их состоянию и к способам образования, самым свойственнымих при. St. Petersburg:Типография А. Плюшара.
  • Frishberg, Nancy 1975 Arbitrariness and iconicity: Historical change in American Sign Language. Language 51(3): 696–719.
  • Yebra, Melchor de (1593) Libro llamado Refugium Infirmorum: Muy util y prouechoso para todo genero de gente : En el qual se contienen muchosauisos espirituales para socorro de los afligidos enfermos, y para ayudar à bien morir a los que estan en lo ultimo de su vida ; con un Alfabeto de S. Buenauentura para hablar por la mano. Madrid: Luys Sa[n]chez
A comprehensive reference list can be found in our pre-print at Humanties Commons. The raw data and analysis files are available via GitHub.

Other posts in this miniseries

Inheritance in cultural evolution


I recently reviewed a book anthology devoted to the application of phylogenetic methods in archaeology (see List 2016, PDF here). This book, entitled Cultural Phylogenetics: Concepts and Applications in Archaeology, edited by Larissa Mendoza Straffon (2016), assembles eight articles by scholars who discuss or illustrate the application of phylogenetic approaches in different fields of anthropology and archaeology.

The volume presents a rich collection of different approaches, covering various topics ranging from the evolution of skateboards (Prentiss et al.) to the spread of the potter's wheel (Knappett). The articles dealing with theoretical questions range from historical accounts of tree-thinking in biology and anthropology (Kressing and Krischel) to an overview of the impact of Darwinian thinking on archaeology and anthropology (Rivero). Although I missed a golden thread when reading the eight articles of the volume, it is definitely worth a read for those interested in evolutionary approaches in a broader sense, as most articles explicitly reflect differences and commonalities between biological and cultural evolution, providing concrete insights into the challenges that archaeologists face when trying to promulgate quantitative approaches.

It is clear that evolution in the general sense is much broader than merely evolution in biology, as I have often tried to illustrate in this blog when showing how phylogenetic approaches can be applied in linguistics. Provided that descent with modification holds — in a broader sense — also for cultural artifacts, it is obvious to search for fruitful analogies between biological and cultural evolution, in order to profit from methodological transfer in disciplines like anthropology and archaeology. It is also clear, however, that certain analogies between biological evolution and evolution in other fields should be considered with great care. Even in linguistics, this is clearly evident, and I have pointed to this problem in the past (see Productive and unproductive analogies...). The goal cannot be a to try to press biological methods into the anthropological template. Instead, we have to rigorously test our proposed analogies, and adapt the biological methods to our needs if necessary.

What surprised me when reading the book was that the majority of the articles did not really seem to care about the crucial differences between biological and cultural evolution, but rather tried to fit the feet and heels of cultural evolution into biology's shoes. Tree thinking dominated most of the articles (with Knappett as a notable exception), and the scholars tried hard to find a clear distinction between vertical and lateral inheritance in cultural evolution. While it is clear that this distinction is the basis for phylogenetic tree applications, where patterns that do not fit a tree are explained as instances of homoplasy or lateral transfer, it is by no means clear why one would go through all the pain to identify these patterns in cultural evolution.

Consider, as an example, the evolution of skateboards. At some point in the history of mankind (some late point!), people decided to put wheels on a board and to do artistic tricks with it. Later, other people merchandised this idea, and started to sell those boards with wheels. Later on, other companies jumped on the bandwagon and started to produce their own brands, thus instigating a fight for the "best" model for a certain kind of clientel. In all of these cases, ideas for design were clearly taken among groups of people, further modified by specific needs or trends, until the current variety of skateboards arose. But which of these ideas were transferred vertically, and which ideas were transferred laterally? Can we identify processes of "speciation" in skateboard evolution, during which new brands were born?

In biology and linguistics we have the clear-cut criteria of interfertilityand intelligibility. They cause us enough problems, given that we have ring species in biology and dialect chains in linguistics, but at least they give us some idea how to classify a given exemplar as belonging to a certain group. But what is the counterpart in the evolution of skateboards? Their brand? Their shape? Their users? The analogy simply does not hold. We have neither vertical nor lateral transfer in topics such as skateboard evolution. All we have is a before and an after— a complex network in which objects were constantly recreated and modified, be it based on ideas that were inspired by other objects or people, or independently developed. It seems completely senseless to search for a distinction between vertical and lateral patterns here, as it is not even clear to what degree we are actually dealing with decent with modification.

It seems to me that the problem of inheritance needs to be addressed in cultural evolution before any further quantitative applications using tree-building methods are carried out. Given that ideas can easily be develop independently, the crucial question for studies of cultural evolution is whether similar ideas can be shown to share a common history. It is (as David mentioned in earlier in a blog post on False analogies between anthropology and biology) the general problem of homology that does not seem to be solved in most studies on cultural evolution. Here, linguistics has generally fewer problems, given that linguists have developed methods to test whether two words are homologous. In cultural evolution, however, the assessment of homology is far from being obvious.

I think that cultural evolution studies such as the ones presented in the book would generally profit from network approaches. By network approaches, I do not necessarily mean evolutionary networks (in the sense of Morrison 2011), as the problem of inheritance is difficult to solve. Instead, I am thinking of exploratory data analysis using phylogenetic networks (Morrison 2011), or some version of similarity networks (Bapteste et al. 2012). Phylogenetic network approaches are frequently used in biology, and are now also very popular in linguistics. Similarity networks are more common in biology, but we have carried out some promising studies of linguistic data (List et al. 2016). As all of these approaches are exploratory and very flexible regarding the data that is fed to them, they might offer new possibilities for exploratory studies on cultural evolution.

References
  • Bapteste, E., P. Lopez, F. Bouchard, F. Baquero, J. McInerney, and R. Burian (2012) Evolutionary analyses of non-genealogical bonds produced by introgressive descent. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 109.45. 18266-18272.
  • Knappett, C. (2016) Resisting Innovation? Learning, Cultural Evolution and the Potter’s Wheel in the Mediterranean Bronze Age. In: Mendoza Straffon, L. (ed.) Cultural Phylogenetics: Concepts and Applications in Archaeology. Springer International Publishing: Cham and Heidelberg and New York and Dordrecht, pp. 97-111.
  • List, J.-M., P. Lopez, and E. Bapteste (2016) Using sequence similarity networks to identify partial cognates in multilingual wordlists. In: Proceedings of the Association of Computational Linguistics 2016 (Volume 2: Short Papers), pp. 599-605.
  • List, J.-M. (2016) [Review of] Cultural Phylogenetics: Concepts and Applications in Archaeology; edited by Larissa Mendoza Straffon. Systematic Biology (published online before print).
  • Morrison, D. (2011) An Introduction to Phylogenetic Networks. RJR Productions: Uppsala.
  • Prentiss, A., M. Walsh, R. Skelton, and M. Mattes (2016) Mosaic evolution in cultural frameworks: skateboard decks and projectile points. In: Mendoza Straffon, L. (ed.) Cultural Phylogenetics: Concepts and Applications in Archaeology. Springer International Publishing: Cham and Heidelberg and New York and Dordrecht, pp. 113-130.
  • Rivero, D. (2016) Darwinian archaeology and cultural phylogenetics. In: Mendoza Straffon, L. (ed.) Cultural Phylogenetics: Concepts and Applications in Archaeology. Springer International Publishing: Cham and Heidelberg and New York and Dordrecht, pp. 43-72.
  • Mendoza Straffon, L. (2016) Cultural Phylogenetics. Concepts and Applications in Archaeology. Springer International Publishing: Cham.

Online phylogenetics seminar 2/5 9 AM PST: Fiona Jordan "Testing hypotheses about cultural evolution"

From phyloseminar.org home. Online phylogenetics seminar 2/5: Fiona Jordan "Testing hypotheses about cultural evolution"

From the website:
Anthropologists had a name for the non-independence-of-species-problem way back in the 1880s. Solving "Galton's Problem", and the promise of comparative methods for testing hypotheses about cultural adaptation and correlated evolution was a major catalyst for the field of cultural phylogenetics. In this talk I will show how linguistic, cultural, and archaeological data is used in comparative phylogenetic analyses. The "treasure trove of anthropology" - our vast ethnographic record of cultures - is now being put to good use answering questions about cross-cultural similarities and differences in human social and cultural norms in a rigorous evolutionary framework.

West Coast USA:
09:00 (09:00 AM) on Tuesday, February 05

East Coast USA:
12:00 (12:00 PM) on Tuesday, February 05

UK:
17:00 (05:00 PM) on Tuesday, February 05

France:
18:00 (06:00 PM) on Tuesday, February 05

Japan:
02:00 (02:00 AM) on Wednesday, February 06

New Zealand:
06:00 (06:00 AM) on Wednesday, February 06